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 The Black Hole of Calcutta



A Poem by Ebenezer Elliott

Corn Law Rhymer and Poet of the Poor


            This little known poem deserves to be better known. It was not included in "The Poetical Works" compiled by Edwin Elliott. This son of the Corn Law Rhymer was a minister and excluded the poem from the collection on the grounds that the poem was critical of the church and other institutions. This has made the poem much less accessible.

            The style of the poem is unusual for Elliott since it is written in rhymed couplets - a format which the poet rarely used. The format was described  by the lecturer and researcher, E. R. Seary, as a defective trochaic tetrameter! Certainly the poem uses repetition, a technique often used by Elliott to emphasise the point he is making. The poem gallops along and is very effective. It demonstrates the hatred Elliott had for the Bread Tax as he called the Corn Laws. In Elliott's view all the misfortunes of his day could be ascribed to the Bread Tax. The poem lists how these misfortunes have affected all sectors of society, including himself with reference to his bankruptcy notice appearing in the London Gazette. Elliott believed that the conditions in England were as bad as those in the Black Hole of Calcutta: " an exact picture of bread-taxed England," as he described it. This was the reason for choosing the title of the poem. The subject matter of the poem has nothing to do with the Black Hole.

            No exact date of publication for the poem has been traced, but thr poem first appeared in the second edition of "The Corn Law Rhymes" which was published in 1831. Following the great reception which greeted the publication of the first edition of 1830, Elliott hurriedly wrote new poems about the Corn Laws or gathered together earlier poem for including in the second edition. We can only conclude that the Black Hole poem was written in 1831 or earlier.

            The disaster of the Black Hole of Calcutta happened in 1756 long before Elliott was born in 1781. The Nawab of Bengal captured Calcutta from the British and a number of soldiers were trapped in a fort. Prisoners were taken when the fort was overrun and they were locked up overnight in the guard room of the fort. The guard room (some reports called it a dungeon) was 18ft long and 15 feet wide with two small windows. Most of the soldiers perished overnight with heat exhaustion, suffocation or with being trampelled as they fought for air.Contemporary accounts say that 123 men out of 146 died, though more recently it is thought that 43 men out of 64 had perished. Still a horrific event and one which caused long lasting trauma.



The Black Hole of Calcutta


WHAT for Saxon, Frank, and Hun,

What hath England's bread-tax done ?

Ask the ruin it hath made,

Ask of bread-tax-ruin'd trade;

Ask the struggle and the groan,

For the shadow of a bone,

Like a strife for life, for life,

Hand to hand, and knife to knife.

 

Hopeless trader, answer me !

What hath bread-tax done for thee?

Ask thy lost and owing debts,

Ask our bankrupt-throng'd Gazettes.

Clothier, proud of Peterloo !

Ironmaster, loyal, too !

What hath bread-tax done for you ?

 

Let the Yankee tariff tell,

None to buy, and all to sell;

Useless buildings, castle strong,

Hundred thousands, worth a song;

Starving workmen, warehouse full,

Saxon web, from Polish wool,

Grown where grew the wanted wheat,

Which we might not buy and eat.

Merchant, bread-tax'd-trade wont pay,

Profits lessen every day;

Sell thy stock and realize,

Let thy streeted chimneys rise;

And when bread tax'd ten are two,

Learn what bread-tax'd rents can do.

Sneak! that wouldst for groat a year

Sell thy soul, and sell it dear !

Self-robb'd servile! sold, not bought,

For the shadow of a groat !

Unbribed Judas ! what thy gain,

By sad Europe's millions slain ?

By our treasures, pour'd in blood

Over battle-field and flood ;

Bread-tax'd profits, endless care,

Competition in despair.

With thy bile and with thy gear,

Wheels and shuttles gainless here,

With the remnant of thy all,

Whither, reptile wilt thou crawl ?

 

What hath bread-tax done for me, .

Farmer, what for thine and thee ?

Ask of those who toil to live,

And the price they cannot give ;

Ask our hearths, our gainless marts,

Ask thy children's broken hearts,

Ask their mother, sad and grey,

Destined yet to parish pay.

 

Bread-tax'd weaver, all can see

What that tax hath done for thee,

And thy children, vilely led,

Singing hymns for shameful bread,

Till the stones of every street

Know their little naked feet.

 

Building lawyer's nominee,

What hath bread-tax done for thee ?

Ask thy fainting thoughts, that strive

But to keep despair alive ;

Ask thy list of friends betray'd,

Houses empty, rents unpaid,

Rising streets and falling rents,

Money fights for half per cents ;

Ask yon piles, all bread-tax-built,

Guiltless, yet the cause of guilt,

Swallowing fortunes, spreading woes,

Losing, to make others lose.

.

Bread-tax-eating absentee ;

What hath bread-tax done for thee ?

Cramm'd thee, from our children's plates,

Made thee all that nature hates,

Fill'd thy skin with untax'd wine,

Fill'd thy purse with cash of mine,

Fill'd thy breast with hellish schemes,

Fill'd thy head with fatal dreams-

Of potatoes, basely sold

At the price of wheat in gold,

And of Britons sty'd to eat

Wheat-priced roots, instead of wheat.

 

England! what for mine and me,

What hath bread-tax done for thee ?

It hath shown what kinglings are,

Stripp'd thy hideous idols bare,

Sold thy greatness, stain'd thy name,

Struck thee from the rolls of fame,

Given thy fields to civil strife,

Changed thy falchion for the knife,

To th' invading knout consign'd

Basest back, and meanest mind,

Cursed thy harvests, cursed thy land,

Hunger-stung thy skill'd right hand,

Sent thy riches to thy foes,

Kick'd thy breech, and tweak'd thy nose,

And beneath the western skies,

Sown the worm that never dies.

 

Man of Consols, hark to me !

What shall bread-tax do for thee ?

Rob thee for the dead-alive,

Pawn thy thousands ten for five,

And, ere yet its work be done,

Pawn thy thousands five for one.

 

What shall bread-tax yet for thee,

Palaced pauper ? We shall see.

It shall tame thee, and thy heirs,

Beggar them, and beggar theirs,

Melt thy plate, for which we paid,

Buy ye breeches ready made,

Sell my lady's tax-bought gown,

And the lands thou call'st thy own.

Then of courses five or more,

Grapery, horse-race, coach and four,

Pamper'd fox-hounds, starving men,

Whores and bastards, nine or ten,

Twenty flunkies fat and gay,

Whip and jail for holiday,

Paid informer, poacher pale,

Sneaker s license, poison’d ale,

Seat in senate, seat on bench,

Pension'd lad, or wife, or wench ;

Fiddling parson, Sunday card,

Pimp, and dedicating bard.-

On the broad and bare highway,

Toiling there for groat a day,

We will talk to thee and thine,

Till thy wretches envy mine,

Till thy paunch of baseness howl,

Till thou seem to have a soul.

 

Peer, too just, too proud to share

Millions, wrung from toil and care !

Righteous peer, whose fathers fed

England's poor with untax'd bread !

Ancient peer, whose stainless name

Ages old have given to fame ;

What shall bread-tax do for thee ?

Make thee poor as mine and me ;

Drive thee from thy marble halls

To some hovel's squalid walls ;

Drive thee from the land of crimes,

Houseless, into foreign climes,

There to sicken, there to sigh,

Steep thy soul in tears and die-

Like a flower from summer's glow,

Withering on the polar snow.

 

Church bedew'd with martyr'd blood,

Mother of the wise and good ;

Temple of our smiles and tears,

Hoary with the frost of years ;

Holy church, eternal, true !

What for thee will bread-tax do ?

 

It will strip thee bare as she

Whom a despot stripp'd for thee ;

Of thy surplice make thy pall,

Lower thy pride, and take thy all-

Save thy truth, establish'd well,

Which-when spire and pinnacle,

Gorgeous arch, and figured stone,

Cease to tell of glories gone-

Still shall speak of thee, and Him

Whom adore the seraphim.

 

Power, which likest Heaven's might seem,

Glorious once in freedom's beam ;

Once by tyrants felt and fear'd,

Still as freedom's dust revered.-

Throne, established by the good,

Not unstain'd with patriot blood,

Not unwatch'd by patriot fears,

Not unwept by patriot tears!

What shall bread-tax do for thee,

Venerable Monarchy ?

Dreams of evil, spare my sight !

Let that horror rest in night.

 



The notes below were added by Elliott at the end of "The Black Hole Of Calcutta." The Poet of the Poor liked to add explanatory notes to his poems. This was particularly true of the more political poems where he would expand on an idea going into great detail. Sometimes he would reveal what had been the source of the subject matter of the poem. In the notes below, Elliott echoes the questions asked in the poem and provides answers to the questions with commentaries of various length. What comes across strongly is Elliott's hate of the Corn Laws, his single-minded determination to tell the world that he is correct with his views and his belief that things will only improve by ridding the country of the Corn Laws. What also comes across is his impatience and his lack of tolerance of those who think differently to himself. In fact, the bard shows some immaturity by  accusing his opponents of "child murder" and "midnight assassination."It just shows how  his passionate beliefs cause him to lose his commonsense: he might well be seen as a ranter!








                       Why does not the country shopkeeper oppose the corn laws? Because he supposes that he recovers from the farmers what the bread-cost him. He’s mistaken; for if the farmers buy his goods, they pay for them with his own money, wrung from him, and from his other customers, in the price of bread.

 

                       Why do not the master manufacturers oppose the corn law? Because they suppose that they can extort from their workmen, in lowered wages, what the bread-tax takes from their profits. Well, if they cannot find patriotism in their cold hearts, they will find it, in due time, at the bottom of an empty pocket.

 

                       Why do not our merchants oppose the corn law, the effect of which is, to reduce the rate of profit on all British capital, skill, and labour? Alas, we have no merchants! The corn law has transformed them into a sort of pedlars, or shabby brokers. When a foreigner enquires for an English merchant, he is shown some fifty pound upstart, dressed like a dandy, but poorer than a Polish Jew, who, with the looks of a wolf, the cunning of a cat, and the airs of a bashaw*, plays three characters at once - thief, half beggar, and satrap**.

 

                       Why do not the fundholders, to a man, oppose the corn laws? I know not – but their property will be the very next great lump which the bread tax eaters will swallow.

 

                       Why does not the Church oppose the corn laws? She can gain nothing by it, for her lands are all under let; and certainly the landlords, when they have digested the fundholders, will eat her too.

                       Why do not the farmers oppose the corn law? Because they conceive that they derive an advantage from it, in the price of corn caught. They are mistaken. The competition for farms, of which it is the cause, will ruin every man of them. Unhappily, the landlords will be the last devoured but then, they will have the satisfaction of being eaten raw and alive.

 

                       Every man who dreads dangerous turn-outs of workmen, should oppose the corn law, for it is the great cause of such turn-outs. And before he blamed the  workmen, he should compare their conduct with that of the landlords. The workmen try to get higher wages, generally by legal means: the landlords make a law, by which they obtain their unfair price.

 

                       Every friend of agricultural improvement should oppose the corn law; for so long as the agriculturists can secure a forced price, they will make no efforts to improve their art.

 

                       Every man who would not welcome revolution, should oppose the corn law, or it will revolutionise the kingdom long before a reform can be affected.

 

                       Every advocate of reform should oppose the corn law, for it is the tax shield of his enemies: deprive them of that shield, and they must become reformers themselves, or sink beneath the consequences of their misdeeds, taxation.

 

                       Whoever does not oppose the corn law, is a patron of want, national immorality, bankruptcy, child murder, incendiary fires, midnight assassination, and anarchy. Therefore, every supposed moral or religious man - every schoolmaster - every teacher of religion especially - should oppose the corn law or he cannot possibly be either moral or religious, and the devil would be more fit to be a teacher than he.

 

                       Why the little landed proprietors near large towns do not oppose the corn law, I could never imagine; for their land is commercial land; and the tenant who pays one shilling per week more than he ought for bread, would be able to pay 52 shillings per annum more rent, if he could obtain his bread at a fair price. But the corn laws ought to be supported by every wretch, who would grieve to see this country carry her burden, as if it were only a raindrop on the eagle’s wing; by every miscreant who would rejoice to see our mechanics labouring fifteen hours for eight pence, and eating potatoes at thirty pounds per stone, while capital was quitting the island in all directions never to return, excepting in a hostile shape. Every man-devil, who loves evil for its own sake, and says to the demon within him, “Be thou my good,” ought to support the corn law; for the consequences of that law are of an infernal nature, unaccompanied by good, in anyway. While it exists, no reduction of taxation, no, not the extinction of all other taxes, could be of any ultimate benefit to the people; for it would either  destroy a sum equal in amount to the taxes repealed, or transfer that amount to the landlords, in raised rents, and prices of corn. In fact, it was intended by its authors to transfer the wealth of the nation to themselves; but it destroys far more than it transfers, as they will yet find to their cost; and every man who is bribed by it, wants but a Goethe are to be recognised as a Faust. It compels us to exchange our skill and labour for the produce of barren soils, and make such soils the measure of our profits, reducing, as it were, the capabilities of fertile and mighty England, by the scale of barren and feeble Sweden. How fast soever the competitors for bread may increase in number, no increase is allowed in the bread for which they compete; consequently we must everyday give more and more capital, skill, and labour, for less and less food; the saws which in July last sold for £40 will only sell for £30 in July next; the clerk who last year received a salary of £100, will be grudgingly paid £80 next year; and the shopkeeper whose profits are £150, must be satisfied with 2/3 of that sum one year hence. In comfort, morals, science, we are inferior to our rivals; our manhood is more feeble than their infancy. The political machine will soon want power to overcome even its own friction; and, deprived alike of individual prosperity and national strength, we shall become the prey of anarchy, and fall before the first invader. If the winds, and the tides, and the earth, in her annual and a diurnal motion, were arrested, who dares contemplate the result? Yet the corn law is arresting the winds, and the tides, unteaching the uses of navigation, as if there had never been a Christopher Colon, and literally compelling the stars in their courses to fight against England. Her old age and decrepitude  - an old age without dignity, and a decrepitude without commiseration  -  are anticipated, a thousand years before their time, by act of Parliament. Hear, oh Czar, and knout*** already in imagination, thy province of Thule!

* a haughty person    ** a tyrant      *** whip

 




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