Sections
of Sheffield Society
Detested the Poet of the Poor!
The
following pieces are a mixture of items
about Elliott. Two of them show how the Corn Law Rhymer was highly
unpopular in
certain areas of Sheffield; the third one is a letter to Elliott by
Thomas Clutton
Salt - it
has a very interesting topic although it has no connection to the
Rhymer's
popularity.
The
first piece is
a short poem about Elliott written in April 1838 by a Rotherham person
who
hides behind the initials J.M. The poem appeared in the Sheffield Iris
newspaper of 17th April 1838 where it was found by Diane Gascoyne.
To
Ebenezer Elliott
Elliott,
I hear thy neighbours thee deride,
So is the Prophet's claim at home denied!
One deems thee dark of soul, with zeal too hot,-
So is the sun to worms a fiery blot!
Then thou art stern in aspect, others tell, -
So are the hills where hidden treasures dwell!
Humble thy home, too, Fashion's moths remark, -
So on the ground dwells lowly Heaven's own lark!
Elliott, despite the Prophet-scorning drove,
And of the worms that hate yon sun above;
Of those who shun the rugged mountain side,
Nor love the Lark, - what now thou art, abide. -
The Prophet still, - the sun, the wild rich hill, -
And, whatsoe'er thy home, the lark -Heaven's lyrist still!
"And what but scorn and slander will reward
The rabble's poet, and his honest son?"
It is therefore nice
to see the Poet of the Poor getting
some support in the above verse, even though it is from an anonymous
source!
EBENEZER'S
LETTER TO THE SECRETARY OF THE DYSART,
PATHHEAD & SINCLAIRTOWN ANTI-CORN LAW ASSOCIATION
Elliott's
letter comes to us via a roundabout route. It was discovered by Diane
Gascoyne
in the Sheffield Iris newspaper of May 1st 1838. The Iris itself found
the
letter in the Edinburgh Weekly Chronicle which had taken it from the
Fife
Journal!
The tone of Elliott's letter
is bitter - even
the poet's family are against him! It shows a great strength of
character for
Elliott to persist with his views against what were clearly great odds.
The
editor of the Edinburgh newspaper is very critical, too, of the
Rhymer's
statement but he also notes that "Our readers will peruse it with
interest."
DEAR
SIR, - Your most welcome
communication of the 28th of February last, has cheered me a little. I
have
still, however, no expectation that the Corn Laws will end otherwise
than in
the utter ruin of the nation. The apathy of all classes here, on the
subject,
seems to be immoveable, particularly that of the working classes, who
listen
eagerly to any tool of the landocracy, who come to tell them that one
loaf is
better than two of the same weight and quality.
For
my doings against the Corn Laws I
am deemed insane by nine-tenths of my townsmen, and by my own family.
If you come
to Sheffield and want me, you may ask in vain for Ebenezer Elliott, but
ask for
the mad poet, and you will soon find me.
As
a forlorn hope, I advise a change of
tactics. Let us try to reach our base and stupid oppressors through
their just
fears. Let us point out to them the two real dangers of their position.
Why
confine our view of the food-tax to its effects on corn only? The Corn
Laws,
and similar laws, raising the prices of all our agricultural
productions,
certainly cost us, at least, 150 millions a year; and if so, they have
already
cost us twice as much as all the estates are worth. Now, the Corn Laws
are
robbery, but restitution is bare justice. Then let our petitions for a
repeal
of the Corn Laws be always accompanied in future by a demand that the
taxes
shall be laid exclusively on land. For, further, even if the lands were
not, as
I contend they are, justly forfeited to the state by their blindly
rapacious
owners - it will soon be made evident to all that no fully peopled
country can
remain independent, unless it completely untax its manufacturing
industry,
skill, and capital.
We
ought also to insist on the vast
superiority of the manufacturing power, as compared with agriculture,
in
relation to time. Raw cotton, the growth of which requires twelve
months, can
be doubled in value by machinery in one week, that is to say, the
manufacturing
power, as a wealth producer, is sometimes greater than the
agricultural, in the
ratio of 52 to 1. And are we really exchanging the wages and profits of
years,
for the wages and profits of weeks? Yes - if the Corn Laws are
destroying our
trade, and if 600 acres of land at Sheffield maintain more people in
greater
comfort than any 20 thousand acres of merely agricultural land in the
kingdom
can do. I think, too, we ought to promote meetings of the people for
household
suffrage, as a means of obtaining justice, for with the present
franchise the
land-owners are the government, and Victoria is their signing clerk.
-
I am, dear Sir, yours very truly,
Ebenezer Elliott
The
Edinburgh Weekly Chronicle stood against the
Corn Laws, but found fault with Ebenezer's argument: "Now, we think
that
the forgoing letter is most extravagant, and some of its statements
altogether
untenable." The Chronicle goes on to question the validity of the
poet's
figures and finds his remarks on taxation unproven if not "altogether
fanciful and unattainable.”
For
a change, a letter to Ebenezer Elliott is featured here. It was written
in
April 1838 by Thomas Clutton Salt, a Birmingham lamp manufacturer. Salt
was an
active member of the Birmingham Political Union and was very keen on
universal
suffrage. He tells of a meeting held for women in Birmingham &
questions
Elliott on the possibility of a similar meeting in Sheffield. Elliott
was a
prominent figure in the Sheffield Political Union; which probably
explains
Salt's approach. The Sheffield newspaper, the Iris, published Salt's
letter on
May 1st 1838, where it was spotted by Diane Gascoyne.
Birmingham,
April 16th, 1838
DEAR SIR, - I sent you, last week, a Birmingham journal, with a very
much
curtailed account of a meeting of women. I alone of Birmingham
reformers, dared
convene or attend it. The experiment was triumphant. Not only was the
vast Hall
full, but even its spacious lobbies were crowded. There could not have
been
less than 12,000 women there. A more beautiful and moving sight was
never seen;
a meeting more enthusiastic and orderly never was assembled. It was
evident
that the iron had entered into their souls; that they felt deeply, and
resolved
religiously, that their children's children should not be trampled upon
as they
had been. I mention this meeting to you because it forms part of my
general
plan. I believe, (I might say I know,) that hitherto, the women have
thought so
little upon politics, and being so utterly ignorant of the connexion of
our
system with their poverty and degradation, that they have either not
interfered, or persuaded their husbands from meddling with politics, as
a thing
of no profit. We cannot afford their neutrality or hostility; they must
be our
enthusiastic friends.
I
intend to have these
meetings repeated throughout England. I am happy to inform you, that
our
Missionary in Glasgow has completely lifted up the whole population
there.
The
Reformers are also making
preparations to receive us at
Dundee, Edinburgh, Sunderland,
Manchester, and neighbourhood.
They are preparing to hold a great meeting here, to sanction and give
dignity
to our mission, and to pass our national petition. We shall then break
ground
at Glasgow on the 9th of May, and obtain the sanction of the people
there; and
from thence roll up the masses southward to London, where I should like
to see
700,000 meet us on Hampstead Heath. But to effect any good object - to
acquire
any power for the people - we must exhibit, on the whole of our course,
an
unfailing, nay, a groaning and increasing enthusiasm. May we depend on
your
potent aid to prepare the people at Sheffield, and some intimation as
to their
disposition towards us? From the middle classes, I expect nothing until
virtue
becomes with them a necessity, and they see the people strong in their
union;
then they will begin to seek shelter in their ranks.
You
are aware I intend the
national petitions to be two-fold, the one to be signed by the millions
of men,
the others to be signed by millions of women; and to be the first great
evidence of a national simultaneous action; a simultaneous action
which, well
directed, will have a moral omnipotence.
Time
prevents my giving you
more than this hasty sketch, and asking you what Sheffield will do?
With
every good wish and
sincere respect, I am, dear Sir, yours, sincerely,
THOS. CLUTTON SALT
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