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EBENEZER ELLIOTT
(1781 - 1849)



Two letters:

1838 LETTER TO THE WORKING MEN OF GREAT BRITAIN

1837 LETTER TO THE EDITOR OF THE SHEFFIELD INDEPENDENT

Both letters are new discoveries & were found by Diane Gascoyne, an Elliott enthusiast. The 1837 letter was prompted by anonymous criticism of a lecture given by Elliott at the Sheffield Mechanics' Institute. The 1838 letter is a very, very long letter which appeared in the Sheffield Iris newspaper for 16/10/1838 - a year when the poet's political fame was at its highest. This article begins with the 1838 letter.

1838 LETTER TO THE WORKING MEN OF GREAT BRITAIN

FELLOW SUFFERERS, - There are three powers at present in operation, any one of which (but each in its own way) would, if left to itself, emancipate you. The first of the three, if there were time, (which there is not), would liberate you gently and safely. I mean the interchange of thought by steam conveyance. But the other two, or either of them, namely, Machinery, or rather its tendency, as at present held, to monopolize wealth and power - and the Food-monopoly, or rather the fatal tendency of population under it, to increase, while food is stationary - will, if not counteracted, (and nothing but an extension of the franchise can counteract them), produce good herbage at last by burning the sod, weeds and all! If you wait for ruin, as your enemies bid you, such of you as can manage to come  alive out of the fiery furnace (say one in three) may reach prosperity through horrors unexampled in history. It is to prevent such horrors, that I wish you to obtain the franchise; and that you may obtain it, or at least try to do so, I will endeavour to bring my argument to your own miserable hearths.

Matrimony, says an old proverb, (and I respect old proverbs), aught to be made of solid pudding. But when matrimony is made of labour at 4s. 8d. a week, with bread at 3s. per stone, what in the world can the pudding be made of? Its ingredients must be misery and crime - degradation and despair. Yet there are thousands of persons in Great Britain working for 4s. 8d. a week, and not always able to get work at that price. Now, if this country were well governed, it would not be possible to find man or woman, willing to work sixteen hours a day for 4s. 8d. a week with bread at 3s. per stone, while your rivals get theirs for ten pence ha'penny. Yet the respectables, great and small, and their respectable newspapers, tell you that you must not agitate for the franchise - no, nor even think of destroying the monopoly of law-making - although it is the cause of all your miseries, and if not destroyed, will destroy its authors.
What, then, must you do? Oh, you must wait until they can find time, and inclination, to alter the laws in your favour. Wait! You have waited, with abominable patience; and they, in return, have altered one of the laws, the Poor-law. But why did they alter that law in particular? Because they found that, unless they altered it, you could make them refund; that their Food-monopoly was becoming inefficient, that it was reacting against themselves; and that they could not bring you down as they wish (that is, slowly and irretrievably), to potatoes and pebble broth. Therefore they deprived you of your privilege of out-door relief, (without taking their hands out of your pockets), and converted their workhouses into Bastiles.

The New Poor-law, then, is the right arm of the Bread-tax!
Why do not Lord Stanhope, and his reverend agitators, tell you this? Nobody knows it better than they do. But if you are still to wait, how long are you to wait? Oh, Lord! how long? Till the pebble-broth boils over! you can wait no longer - neither can your oppressors!

Of twenty thousand men who held up their hands at Sheffield for the People's Charter, sixteen thousand, at least, were non-electors. Yet the middle classes kept away from the meeting. Why? Because, they say, the non-electors have no property, (which is false), and because (which may be true, and might be proper), they would, if they could, sometimes send to Parliament men who have no property-qualification. Now, this state of things is frightful; it makes thoughtful men, who have aught to lose, tremble. For how can the middle classes expect their property to be protected, if they would prevent you from obtaining the only possible means of protecting yours? They support men whose very existence, as monopolists, is no longer (no, not for an hour) compatible with the commonweal and the public safety - men who make laws to famish their fellow-creatures, that is, to murder them by hundreds of thousands; and yet they talk of property, and property-qualifications, and send men to Parliament who call you "rabble." Rabble! Are you not self-sustained? Every honestly self-sustained man of necessity performs every social duty. But if you are really rabble, how is the Government, for any purpose of good government, to be carried on? Palaced-pauper Chandos! or any of your fellow miscreants! what say you? He answers not, - but thinks that liveried William, and white-stockinged John, ought not to have votes; for the beggarly, bread-tax eating scoundrel knows right well, that his footmen are less dependent than his farmers. They do think, then, sometimes? One can hardly believe it. For while the higher classes assert the principle of public robbery; while Ministers declare in Parliament that it is, and shall be, the principle of their government; and while the middle classes support that principle, and no other, good God! was ever nation so endangered as this nation is, if you, the working men of Britain, also are corrupt? Never! for if you are not fit to be trusted with the management of your own affairs, the whole social mass is plague-stricken, doomed, and lost; and all the property in Britain will be insufficient to feed the riot of the desperate, because unemployed, multitude, which will soon, of necessity, constitute the population of these realms. But it is not true that you are unfit to manage your own affairs. The respectables, and their respectable press, do you the honour to belie you. If you are some of the most industrious men in the world, surely you are also some of the most virtuous; and, (but that you have been badly governed), you would have been equally happy and enlightened; and if so, never will I despair of my country, while you can get honest and remunerating employment. But, alas, if you do not speedily obtain the franchise, you will not be able to get employment at all, for your trade will depart to other countries! You may apply the power-loom to the weaving of woollen cloth, but how will you prevent your rivals from getting the power-loom? You may improve machinery, but will not a single post letter carry to your cheap-food rivals a copy of your improvements? You may find new markets, but if your rivals can undersell you, how will you prevent them from supplying those markets? Remember, that when you have made your ultimate improvements, your rivals will get them for nothing: they will only need to copy perfection, and leave you - to your carrion - banquet of blood and horror! Remember, that in Switzerland - one of the poorest countries on earth, before its people got Universal Suffrage and Free Trade - the purchasing power of a watch-maker's wages is 12s. a day, and in England, 3s. 6d. Remember, that where trade is unrestricted, rising wages signify rising profits; for there Trades' Unions are unnecessary! Remember, that when the continental governments generally make trade free (unless you shall have forestalled them), British capital will depart in masses. And above all things, remember, That the New Poor Law is the right arm of the food monopoly, which robs you of half your wages, and is destroying the market for your productions.  IN SIX MONTHS YOUR BREAD WILL BE FIVE SHILLINGS PER STONE !  Will your wages, as your enemies assert, rise in the same proportion? "Ah, no! 'tis never so." Obtain the franchise then, before your trade is destroyed. For your own sakes - for the sake of long-suffering Ireland - for the sake of blood-weeping Canada - put an end to the monopoly of law-making. Let not your children's children be told, that you suffered the murderers of your Canadian fellow subjects to escape the hangman: let not the innocent blood cry in vain for justice! No! Remember, that honest and happy matrimony is made of solid pudding; and let the horrors of hand-loom weaving - let Irish poverty, warring on English labour - let all such horrors find a tremendous voice; let them demand, in thunder, the Universal Franchise! Will you wait, till, like the Irish, you are forced to eat seaweed? Only two days ago, the English and Irish labourers, on the Sheffield and Rotherham Railway, were knocking out each other's brains; while the bread-tax-eating magistracy - ignorant, perhaps, that potatoe-wages will not pay for bayonets - were prating at the head of their famine-guards, and telling the aggressors, in other words, that they ought to suffer their labour to fall, at once, to the Irish-price, the lowest that will support life! Let that happen, and where would they be? Never mind. But would the poor Irishman leave his country, to compete with you, if he had justice done him at home? No. The war of Irish poverty on English labour, is the war of the Aristocracy on English labour, capital and skill - on all labour, all capital, and all skill, English, Irish, Scotch, and Welch (sic).

Obtain the franchise, then, and emancipate both the Irish and yourselves. And don't forget to thank the landowners, and their Poor Law agitators, for opening your eyes to the means of emancipation - Annual Parliaments, the Ballot, paid Members, and Universal Suffrage. In demanding those means, tell them that if their extravagance has kept pace with their rapacity, that is their own affair; that if they have dowered their wives, and fortuned their children, on the supposition that their robber-power would last for ever, that is nothing to you; that if, by means of their food-monopoly, they have mortgaged their estates for twice as much as they are worth, that concerns their plundered mortgagees; but that they shall not obtain their meditated fixed duty of 20s. per quarter on corn - equivalent , (with the other results of their monopoly) to a tax of 80 millions a year on our falling trade! for that trade cannot - and shall not, if it can - pay such a tax to thirty thousand unproductive landed annuitants - who have a right to their property, if the people have not paid for it in the forced price of food - and to their lives, if every criminal executed in the last twenty-three years, has not been murdered. But do not mistake me. Many of them, I believe, are self-deceived; but if the fact is otherwise, I would not hurt a hair of their heads; for I am opposed to the punishment of death in all cases, except treason against the people: when they are betrayed, let the traitors perish; when they are massacred, let the assassins die! I should have said all this at Peep-Green today, had I not been prevented by symptoms of disease, threatening suffocation, which I must not despise, if I would live to finish my task. Hoping, for the sake even of your tyrants, that you may speedily obtain your rights, I remain, your friend and brother,

EBENEZER ELLIOTT.

Sheffield, 15th October, 1838.

This very long letter asks "fellow sufferers" to seize the right to vote & urges them to ignore the middle classes who are pleading for calm & inaction. The Chartists had been campaigning hard for suffrage but all that appeared on the statute book was the 1838 Poor Law Act which prevented poor people receiving relief in their own homes & condemned them to the workhouse, often called "the Bastille." Elliott clearly has a dislike of the middle classes since they had failed to attend Sheffield's public meeting on the Charter where he claimed that 20,000 had voted for the charter. (Local newspapers had calculated a much lower figure).

Elliott's letter continues to repeat statements he has made elsewhere: without the franchise, trade will disappear overseas; only universal suffrage & free trade can transform the economy; the price of bread must soar if things remain as they are; we shall all be left on a starvation diet of potatoes. Once again, the bard denounces "Palaced-pauper Chandos - the beggarly, bread-tax-eating scoundrel."  (Chandos was a wealthy hedonistic MP, "the farmers' friend," whose speeches sought to preserve the Corn Laws. A natural enemy for the Poet of the Poor). Once again, Elliott shows his fears about his own mortality "if I would live to finish my task" and he also displays his surprising international outlook with references to Switzerland, Ireland & Canada. Something completely new does appear towards the end of the letter: Elliott announces that he is against capital punishment. He then makes an exception for treason against the people (note - not against the monarchy). This reveals how closely he identifies with the cause of ordinary men.






Fortunately the 1837 letter, which is included below, is much shorter than the above letter. Elliott sent the letter to the editor of the Sheffield Independent newspaper in reply to an anonymous letter criticising the Corn Law Rhymer's recent lecture at the Sheffield Mechanics' Institute. The text of this newly discovered letter is laid out here:-



1837 LETTER TO THE EDITOR OF THE SHEFFIELD INDEPENDENT.


SIR, - I seldom notice the libels of parties who have the double baseness to columniate me under feigned names; but as the mean and well-timed attack of your correspondent, "Oligestos," is intended, I fear, to damage the institution which it was the purpose of my lectures to serve, I shall perhaps be justified, on this occasion, in deviating from my usual course. If the quotations from Pope, alluded to by "Oligestos," are the two last in my lecture of the 4th instant, I defy him to shew any impropriety in them, or in my comments on them. They are highly moral and instructive.
The first ought to teach young men not to choose wives from among those pious formalists, alias punctual gadders, who cannot be happy at home; and this teaching is the more necessary, because Chaucer's attender "of every holy masquerade," is not a creature of manners and convention, but of all ages and countries, one of nature's queer folks. Justice to Pope required that I should, at least, propose to recite the other quotation, tired though I was. If applause had been my object, I should not have recited it; but it is fine of itself, and though the tone necessary to express the soul of its meaning cannot easily be made audible to an assemblage of several hundred hearers; mine, I think, ought to have been pleased with it, as I believe the more intellectual and moral portion of them were. It could offend none but hypocrites. What, indeed, is it but a true and terrible commentary on the vile life of a canting wretch who, no longer able to use his victim sensuously, forced her to take the veil? The consequences to her are but too faithfully painted; and I advise "Oligestos" to read the history of her destroyer, who, having assumed the monastic habit from necessity, became a merciless persecutor of failings like his own! Every slanderer is a persecutor of the same sort; and if your correspondent be not a self-convicted miscreant, he will point out, in a letter signed with his real name, those passages in my quotations from Pope, which are "prurient and youth contaminating." This he could not do if he would, and will not if he can; but you can refute him at once, by printing two slandered quotations, word for word, as I uttered them; and long though they are, you will print them, rather than suffer the best and most Christian institution in this town to be robbed, intentionally or otherwise, by a person who must either be a fine-skinned friend of that institution, or a cowardly assassin and incendiary, whose shilling, or whose half-guinea, in either case, has been dearly purchased by the friends and objects of that sound and general education which can alone save this nation from a catastrophe unexampled in the annals of horror and misrule. What but the partial diffusion of such education, prevented Sheffield, during the late elections, from witnessing brutalities similar to those which disgraced Huddersfield? Not that our self-sustained men think the new poor-law a just measure, but the contrary; they knew and know that it begins at the wrong end; they knew and know that it ought to have been founded on a repeal of the corn laws; and knowing this, they did not riot, but defeated the rioters, and their suicidal silk-stockinged instigators, by determining that no advocate of monopolies should represent them in parliament. Yet, alas, they have no votes. Sheffield was rescued from confusion by her non-electors.

I am, Sir, your much and often-obliged,

EBENEZER ELLIOTT.
 
Sheffield, 11th Sept., 1837.



While the larger part of Elliott's letter deals with a minor spat over semantics, the observations made by the Rhymer have a degree of interest. We see robust language from the poet with his dismissive "punctual gadders" and with his colourful denunciation of the critic as "a cowardly assassin and incendiary." We note Elliott's enthusiasm for the Sheffield Mechanics' Institute as "the best and most Christian institution in this town." Further, there is the idealism with which the bard points out that the educational role of the institute had very likely spared Sheffield rioting at the recent general election. This despite the provocation from the "suicidal silk-stockinged instigators," as the poet dubbed those Chartists who had dropped their call for repeal of the Corn Laws. The working people of Sheffield had shown admirable commonsense & restraint, he points out, yet the government fails to trust them with the franchise.




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